For 21 years, Ibrahim Nasir shaped the Maldives as Prime Minister (1957–1968) and President (1968–1978), guiding the nation through independence and laying foundations for modernization. Yet, his tenure remains a study in contrasts—marked by significant achievements but overshadowed by systemic failures, repression, and unequal development, particularly evident in the concentration of English-medium education and healthcare in the capital, Malé. This article is based on information from a Facebook post by Dr. Abdul Ghafoor Abdul Raheem, which critiques Nasir’s rule. As recent discussions revisit Nasir’s contributions and personal life, his legacy demands evaluation not through personal anecdotes but through an objective analysis of his governance.
Milestones Amid Limitations
Nasir’s era saw pivotal achievements. As Prime Minister, he secured Maldives’ independence in 1965, ending British colonial influence. His government introduced English-medium education in 1961, but this was limited to Malé’s government schools, leaving the atolls without access. The construction of Hulhule International Airport was a landmark, as was the establishment of Malé’s first hospital, built with British support. Nasir also oversaw the mechanization of fishing boats, strengthening a key industry. Tourism emerged through private initiative, not government policy, though Nasir later invested in it as a private citizen.
These accomplishments, however, were limited in scope. The focus on Malé for education and healthcare excluded most Maldivians, deepening regional disparities and exposing a lack of national vision.
A Rule of Inequality and Repression
Nasir’s policies brought little tangible progress for ordinary Maldivians. Government salaries were meager—an island chief earned MR 88/month, a deputy MR 66, an imam MR 44, and a teacher MR 165, while a nanny for Nasir’s children received MR 200 plus food and accommodation. This disparity, coupled with an absence of rule of law, fueled resentment. Many viewed his rule as despotic, far from the rosy narrative some later crafted.
In Thinadhoo his forces used excessive force, shooting at inhabitants and killing at least one, then forced the entire population to evacuate within 24 hours. Survivor accounts, later published and available on platforms like YouTube, reveal the trauma of this collective punishment.
Education and Healthcare: Centralized and Stunted
The introduction of English-medium education in 1961, confined to Malé, was ambitious but poorly executed. No curriculum, textbooks, or teacher training programs were developed. By 1978, the Maldives had fewer than 10 university-qualified teachers, with only about three each at Malé’s Majeediyya and Ameeniyya schools. The sole state-run preschool in Malé excluded many non-aristocratic families, who relied on lotteries for admission. No additional schools were built, forcing citizens to establish private institutions like Aaliya and EPS. In Nasir’s final years, Malé’s schools struggled, with the Education Ministry failing to recruit foreign teachers for senior subjects at Majeediyya.
Healthcare was similarly centralized. The hospital built in Malé during the 1960s served only the capital. By 1978, the Maldives had just five trained doctors and a few nurses. While basic health assistant courses existed, many islands lacked health workers. Nasir’s allocation of two qualified nurses for his own children underscored skewed priorities that left the atolls underserved.
Economic Struggles and Human Rights Abuses
Economic hardship defined Nasir’s later rule. In 1972, famine struck the islands, with many resorting to eating leaves. In Malé, rice shortages forced families to rely on corn or one meal daily. Nasir’s suggestion to import animal feed grains for human consumption, opposed by Hon A Zaki, reflected the crisis’s severity, as reported in Moonlight newspaper (1972–1973).
Nasir’s regime was also marked by repression. Torture and extrajudicial killings were rampant in jails like Bodu Faaru Jail and Villingili Jail, with cases like Heeraa Rasheed and M Adam Manik later detailed by Sikka Naseem. Arbitrary arrests and banishments were common—a businessman lost everything after three years of exile following the 1974 uprising, and postal workers like Raabe Azee were wrongfully imprisoned. Post-1978 dailies like Haveeru and Sunlight exposed these injustices, revealing unchecked power.
A Leader’s Fall
Nasir’s autocratic style eroded his legitimacy. A 1968 assassination plot, a 1972 parliamentary challenge, and anti-Nasir leaflets and graffiti in Malé signaled growing unrest. Uprisings in 1974 and 1975 led to mass imprisonments and banishments, often without trial—one individual was exiled for over a decade for vague reasons, as noted in Moonlight (1973–1974). By 1978, Nasir fled the Maldives, fearing the fate of President Amin. The treasury was nearly empty, though free of foreign debt, and corruption was minimal, with a relatively clean judiciary compared to later years.
A Call for Historical Reckoning
Nasir’s contributions—independence, infrastructure, and the seeds of tourism—are undeniable but must be weighed against the stagnation and suffering of his era. The confinement of education and healthcare to Malé left the atolls neglected, while his autocratic rule stifled dissent and progress. As one Maldivian observer noted, the nation’s political theater has replayed the same story for 70 years, with only the actors changing.
According to Dr. Abdul Ghafoor Abdul Raheem, Maldives needs historians with courage and integrity to assess Nasir’s legacy objectively, free from hero-worship or vilification. Forgetting history risks repeating it, and the nation’s future depends on confronting its past. President Ibrahim Nasir, now deceased, may find peace with his Lord. But his legacy, as outlined by Dr. Abdul Ghafoor Abdul Raheem, demands scrutiny to ensure a brighter, more equitable future for all Maldivians.
May he rest in peace. Amen.
Milestones Amid Limitations
Nasir’s era saw pivotal achievements. As Prime Minister, he secured Maldives’ independence in 1965, ending British colonial influence. His government introduced English-medium education in 1961, but this was limited to Malé’s government schools, leaving the atolls without access. The construction of Hulhule International Airport was a landmark, as was the establishment of Malé’s first hospital, built with British support. Nasir also oversaw the mechanization of fishing boats, strengthening a key industry. Tourism emerged through private initiative, not government policy, though Nasir later invested in it as a private citizen.
These accomplishments, however, were limited in scope. The focus on Malé for education and healthcare excluded most Maldivians, deepening regional disparities and exposing a lack of national vision.
A Rule of Inequality and Repression
Nasir’s policies brought little tangible progress for ordinary Maldivians. Government salaries were meager—an island chief earned MR 88/month, a deputy MR 66, an imam MR 44, and a teacher MR 165, while a nanny for Nasir’s children received MR 200 plus food and accommodation. This disparity, coupled with an absence of rule of law, fueled resentment. Many viewed his rule as despotic, far from the rosy narrative some later crafted.
In Thinadhoo his forces used excessive force, shooting at inhabitants and killing at least one, then forced the entire population to evacuate within 24 hours. Survivor accounts, later published and available on platforms like YouTube, reveal the trauma of this collective punishment.
Education and Healthcare: Centralized and Stunted
The introduction of English-medium education in 1961, confined to Malé, was ambitious but poorly executed. No curriculum, textbooks, or teacher training programs were developed. By 1978, the Maldives had fewer than 10 university-qualified teachers, with only about three each at Malé’s Majeediyya and Ameeniyya schools. The sole state-run preschool in Malé excluded many non-aristocratic families, who relied on lotteries for admission. No additional schools were built, forcing citizens to establish private institutions like Aaliya and EPS. In Nasir’s final years, Malé’s schools struggled, with the Education Ministry failing to recruit foreign teachers for senior subjects at Majeediyya.
Healthcare was similarly centralized. The hospital built in Malé during the 1960s served only the capital. By 1978, the Maldives had just five trained doctors and a few nurses. While basic health assistant courses existed, many islands lacked health workers. Nasir’s allocation of two qualified nurses for his own children underscored skewed priorities that left the atolls underserved.
Economic Struggles and Human Rights Abuses
Economic hardship defined Nasir’s later rule. In 1972, famine struck the islands, with many resorting to eating leaves. In Malé, rice shortages forced families to rely on corn or one meal daily. Nasir’s suggestion to import animal feed grains for human consumption, opposed by Hon A Zaki, reflected the crisis’s severity, as reported in Moonlight newspaper (1972–1973).
Nasir’s regime was also marked by repression. Torture and extrajudicial killings were rampant in jails like Bodu Faaru Jail and Villingili Jail, with cases like Heeraa Rasheed and M Adam Manik later detailed by Sikka Naseem. Arbitrary arrests and banishments were common—a businessman lost everything after three years of exile following the 1974 uprising, and postal workers like Raabe Azee were wrongfully imprisoned. Post-1978 dailies like Haveeru and Sunlight exposed these injustices, revealing unchecked power.
A Leader’s Fall
Nasir’s autocratic style eroded his legitimacy. A 1968 assassination plot, a 1972 parliamentary challenge, and anti-Nasir leaflets and graffiti in Malé signaled growing unrest. Uprisings in 1974 and 1975 led to mass imprisonments and banishments, often without trial—one individual was exiled for over a decade for vague reasons, as noted in Moonlight (1973–1974). By 1978, Nasir fled the Maldives, fearing the fate of President Amin. The treasury was nearly empty, though free of foreign debt, and corruption was minimal, with a relatively clean judiciary compared to later years.
A Call for Historical Reckoning
Nasir’s contributions—independence, infrastructure, and the seeds of tourism—are undeniable but must be weighed against the stagnation and suffering of his era. The confinement of education and healthcare to Malé left the atolls neglected, while his autocratic rule stifled dissent and progress. As one Maldivian observer noted, the nation’s political theater has replayed the same story for 70 years, with only the actors changing.
According to Dr. Abdul Ghafoor Abdul Raheem, Maldives needs historians with courage and integrity to assess Nasir’s legacy objectively, free from hero-worship or vilification. Forgetting history risks repeating it, and the nation’s future depends on confronting its past. President Ibrahim Nasir, now deceased, may find peace with his Lord. But his legacy, as outlined by Dr. Abdul Ghafoor Abdul Raheem, demands scrutiny to ensure a brighter, more equitable future for all Maldivians.
May he rest in peace. Amen.
